The Life of Calvin
An overview of John Calvin's Life
taken from a summary of Alister McGrath's book, "A Life of John Calvin."
The Life of Calvin
by Dr. C. Matthew McMahon
Through a series of providences, God guided the little town of Geneva
onto the scene of the Reformation to house one of the most influential
theologians in the history of Christendom – John Calvin.
There were a number of social, economic, political and religious
matters that pressed the city to reform, and Calvin was involved in each
area of this reform. Adult literacy was common, and Calvin’s pen reached across
the socio-economic barriers to affect all classes with sound teaching,
especially through a renewed academic interest in the teachings of
Augustine. This trend of
“learning” was already in motion before Calvin was ever born, and
the ripe time of his commencement in ministry was providential as well.
This new literacy began to overrun the priestly ignorance of
those who obtained the position of priest, but were not formally trained
well. Though Calvin was not
the most extroverted of people, the force of his theological and
pastoral writing and preaching overthrew his demure countenance.
Calvin’s educational life commenced in his tenure at the
university of Paris. He
attended the College de la Marche at the age of 14, then moved to the
College de Montaigu, though some historical evidence is lacking to piece
together exactly how these educational movements shifted, or if there is
insufficient evidence to make the case that he ever attended Montaigu in
the first place. It seems a
summary of his stay in Paris may be said to 1) have taught Latin grammar
for a time, 2) then may have been formally affiliated with the College
de Montaigu, and 3) studied arts (philosophy) there.
It is sure that Calvin’s father initially wanted him to study
theology in Paris, but then moved him to study law instead for future
financial reasons. He was
influenced greatly with Aristotelian philosophy here, something he would
carry with him into his theological formulations seen in his commentary
of Seneca’s de Clementia, and in his Institutes, as well as being
introduced into the school of Augustine’s thought, which later carried
over into the Institutes. There
is overall, an uncertainty as to the exact nature of Calvin’s sojourn
in Paris, though through his writings and through the accounts of his
life (especially Beza’s) traces can be found to piece together a
possible coherent “life of Calvin” during this period.
Calvin left Paris sometime in
the 1520’s with his degree in the arts in order to start his work at
the university of Orleans in law (where he came face to face with an
aspect of humanism that would shape his thinking for the rest of his
life). The
University of Orleans was not a collegiate university, and only had a
course of study surrounding law (with a stress upon civil law) which had
undergone radical revisions in 16th century France under the
writings of men like Guillaume Bude.
The humanism encountered here was not that of the 21st
century “man is the measure of all things without God” concept.
Rather, it was “how ideas were obtained and expressed” with
an emphasis on going “back to the sources” (ad fontes) concerning
the meaning of a given thing. For instance, Erasmus, in his Enchiridion, said that the
church ought to go back to the scriptures and the early fathers in order
to reform itself (i.e. back to the sources).
It was not, however, the intention for Calvin, at this time, to
go back to commentaries, or the Latin text of the Bible, but the
original sources, the Greek and Hebrew text.
Calvin’s first formulations from these influences would
demonstrate themselves after he had graduated Orleans in 1531, and then
dedicated two years of his life to researching and writing his
commentary of Seneca’s de Clementia.
Calvin moved from humanist to reformer by a “sudden
conversion” (subita conversione as Calvin calls it).
It was both revelatory for him (as with the manner in which he
parallels his conversion with the Apostle Paul’s in many ways) and
enigmatic for any researcher of his life since little is given on that
subject in his own writings. He
left Paris after another stay for a time, went to Noyon, and then quit
Noyon for Basel, thinking it wise to leave France for a time due to a
tumultuous air surrounding the reformation that was underway through
other reformers. Here, in
his hermit-style retreat in Switzerland, he penned the first edition of
the Institutes for French evangelicals.
After this, he was forced to move back to France for a time in
order to settle family affairs. He
then decided to set out for Strasbourg, but the road there was hindered
and he stopped over in the little city of Geneva to stay the night.
Reformation, at this time in history, was a city phenomenon. First there was a sense of community in a given geographical
area, second, economic and social struggles saw victory in partaking in
the freedom of the Reformation (purported by Thomas Brady’s analysis
of Strasbourg), and thirdly, urban communities centered upon the
doctrine of justification by faith alone.
There was a pressure to have a social change due to the
circumstances of time. It
was not as though the “Hollywood” version of the stalwart reformer
who stormed the city for the cause of reformation had historical
veracity. Political,
economic, social and military considerations were the cause of many of
the Swiss Cantons to begin to embrace the “symbiotic” relationship
of city and reformer. In
like manner, Geneva, for instance, would have such a relationship with
Calvin as the Magistrate and Council would move ahead for the good of
the political-religious state under the guidance of Calvin’s
theological-socio-economic writings and counsel.
And Geneva was primed and ready for this kind of relationship
based on the history of a Swiss confederacy coming to light over the
last sixty years before Calvin ever arrived, and then adopting many of
the same reformation principles other Swiss cantons had already
implemented. Farel, the
city’s former “reformer,” cornered Calvin on his stay and
convinced him to remain and continue the work.
Unfortunately, his first tenure there did not go well and in 1538
he was exiled (along with Farel and Courault) due to a practical
difference in implementing the Lord’s Supper to wayward and unruly
members of the city, though the Council insisted. Calvin
spent three years in exile (1538-1541) where he wrote a new version of
the Institutes, as well as a tract against the Catholics for intruding
into Geneva in his absence in his Reply to Sadoleto. In 1541 he returned
reluctantly, again by Farel’s pressure to continue what God had
started through him.
Calvin, upon return to Geneva
after his Strasbourg exile, formulated a church-state relationship with
the Magistrate of the city, or the senate, much like the Graeco-Roman
city state. The Institutes
remain his theological powerhouse of reform, but his Ecclesiastical
Ordinances (written in 1541 for the express purpose of structuring
discipline and orderliness in Geneva) was the “backbone of the his
ecclesiastical organization.” This
consistory was created in order to “police” religious orthodoxy.
Such trials as the “Servetus affair” demonstrated the
civil-religious power of the Consistory when they burned him at the
stake for heresy, and this has certainly “colored” Calvin’s
posthumous character for the last 450 years.
However, as other countries and cantons had acted in thus manner
with heretics, so the Genevan Council felt obligated to uphold the same
religious convictions with Servetus.
Yet, Calvin’s role in all this was more akin to “technical
advisor or expert witness” rather than the prosecutor that was left in
the hands of Geneva’s civil authorities.
Though this mark upon “the Reformation” stands in the sight
of its critics, Calvin can be said to be exceedingly successful in his
subsequent work during his time in Geneva (over the paralleled work of
Vadian in the city of St. Gallen who had a different idea of
reformation, though similar circumstances as Calvin).
The reformation was primarily
the work of God through the Word of God.
This idea was Calvin’s maxim of success.
Though he wrestled with the theological idea of accommodation
(i.e. that God accommodates ideas to us as the Word of God in order to
allow finite creatures to understand an infinite deity of
incomprehensible dimensions) he concluded that God knows his audience,
and thus adjusts his language accordingly for such an audience to
apprehend (not comprehend) truths about Him.
For Calvin, he used three aspects of God as father, teacher and
judge to communicate to us His divine person. As
a result, Calvin published many works attempting to help the people of
God understand theology, especially in the French tongue (in which he
published his Institutes in 1541 eclipsing the work of Luther,
Melancthon and Zwingli as “the document” of the Protestant
Reformation).
Concerning the message of Calvin’s Christianity found in the
Institutes, one does not find a basic central core doctrine from which
all others emerge. Calvin’s
main doctrine is not predestination, for instance.
Rather, Calvin’s Institutes demonstrate a cogency about
biblical doctrine as a whole, and the Bible as a whole affecting the
Christian’s view of Jesus Christ and every doctrine connected to
Christ. Christ, then,
should be said to be the center of Calvin’s thought, but many
doctrines surround Him as the central figure of God’s redemptive
history. Book 1 demonstrates the idea of how human beings can know
anything about God. Book 2
demonstrates how human beings know God surrounding the person and
redeemer Jesus Christ. Book
3 demonstrates how human beings obtain favor, blessing, grace, benefits
and effects of grace through the redeemer Jesus Christ.
Book 4 centers around the remaining theological issues of the
church itself, and the outward means by which the church is called into
fellowship with Jesus Christ.
Though Calvin did not return to France he did affect the country
for the Reformation in a variety of ways.
Calvin, along with the city of Berne, attempted to press French
diplomats to remove persecution of evangelicals.
Geneva subsequently became a haven for over six thousand refugees
from France to the single city of Geneva itself.
Certainly Calvin’s influence over the entire country remained
primarily within the writings he published in French, affecting a number
of socio-levels from 1540-45. Geneva
even supplied pastors to needful French pastorates and by 1562 Calvinism
was a dominant force throughout Protestant France.
Calvin became ill in 1564 with “migraines, gout, pulmonary
tuberculosis, intestinal parasites, thrombosed hemorrhoids, and
irritated bowel syndrome.” He
died on Friday April 28, 1564. However,
though Calvin was dead, his influence lived on – by 1575 Calvinism was
established “as an international religion.”
Though Luther affected the Reformation at its start, Calvin
continued to hold the torch for years afterward primarily through his
Institutes. Geneva itself became internationally known especially in
light of its academic standing based on Calvin’s work previously
accomplished there. Here
then we find Calvinism coming to light (a term first used by Joachim
Westphal to refer primarily to the sacramental views of difference
between the Reformed and the Lutherans) and culminating a great appeal
thorough the systematization of the Biblical record and defended itself
well against Roman Catholicism – the premier theological force against
Protestantism of the day. Calvin’s
influence became more recognized by the Institutes around his doctrine
of salvation seen in both election and the doctrines of Grace, otherwise
formulated by the synod in Dordtrecht in the acronym TULIP (Dordt
convened from 1618 to 1619 against Remonstrant influences built upon
Romish Doctrines and popularized by Jacobus Harmenszoon).
Since Calvinism was a thoroughly biblical attempt to explain the
Bible, it is impossible that I should neglect its affect in a global
scope. It affects people in
practical situations to minister the Word of God in a way that helps
those struggling see Christ more clearly and His will for their life.
Interesting enough Calvinism also affected the merchant trade in
its capitalistic endeavors, though Calvin did not necessarily like
capitalism. There was a
struggle in Geneva around the affect of Calvinism on capitalism that
parleyed between tradition and progress.
Though various parties desired their own course of action based
on class and status, there was a growing need to create “independent
sources of capital” and a need to maintain “political
independence” in the city. Calvinism,
then, harnessed industry, though Calvin did not develop a kind of
“economic theory.” Later,
during the 17th century, Calvinism and capitalism “were
virtually coextensive.” Weber
maintains that this was due to the Calvinistic doctrine of “calling”
(not “effectual calling,” but of vocation (i.e. what would a
Christian do in God’s calling for his life)).
This idea was placed in a more concrete position through federal
theology which emphasized not only the salvation of the individual
through grace in Christ, but also what that individual would do in
laboring before God and unto God in the world.
Calvinism has had a profound affect on the nations of the West,
especially on culture. Three
aspects stand out: 1) the international character of the movement
affecting religious, economic and political issues in those countries;
2) the “world affirming character” of Calvin’s theology especially
as developed later by the Puritans; 3) even in the midst of its
dematerialization amidst secular culture, its residue remained to
influence secular society. Even
American religious communities, as they came over from both Dutch and
English countries, settled in America to create godly commonwealths
under a covenant with God. Thus,
since Calvinism touches upon every sphere of society, to study the
movement is not to lean upon its historical past, but to study current
political, social, and religious events and further observe its impact
on culture throughout the world.
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